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ADMISSION STATEMENTS
An admission statement (otherwise known as a statement of purpose, personal statement, or application essay), is an essay scribed by an applicant in the hopes of gaining entry to an educational facility, such as a university, college, or graduate school.
A good admission statement is critical for acceptance into the institution of your choice, so choosing a professional writing service may be in your best interest if writing is not your strong suit.
We will need to know which direction you would like to take the statement, such as relaying personal experiences, hobbies, and other assorted pieces of information that will be pertinent to your statement or application.
Sample
I am submitting my application for a position as a cadet at the academy for multiple reasons. First, my family includes long line of law enforcement agents employed by various federal, state, and local agencies.
My family’s experience in the law enforcement profession has instilled in me a great sense of justice, recognition of the opportunities that a law enforcement career provides, and a desire to follow in the footsteps of my family members. I have enjoyed many opportunities to hear members of my family speak of how they were able to assist others, serve their communities, prevent serious crimes, and apprehend dangerous criminals during the course of performing their duties. I feel the need to make a positive contribution to society and the field of law enforcement will provide me with the opportunity to be a credit to my community.
In addition to the influence of my family, I was able to attend a Police Youth Academy when I was in high school. My experience at the Police Youth Academy further encouraged my interests in law enforcement. The program was operated by the Holmdel Police Department in New Jersey. My participation in this program provided me with a greater sense of what the duties and responsibilities of law enforcement professionals actually involve. I learned a great deal about the inner workings of police departments as public service organizations. The experiences of both my family and myself have caused me to be aware of the fact that law enforcement can often be a difficult and challenging profession.
The law enforcement community in the United States is presently facing greater challenges than ever given the current coronavirus crisis and the public controversies that are taking place concerning the role of police work in our society. Observing these challenges has increased my resolve to become a dedicated law enforcement professional.
I feel that I have the character and commitment to eventually become a successful law enforcement professional who serves the profession in an honorably and competent manner. I recognize the importance of the criminal justice system to the functioning of our society. Public safety and civil order are the foundational responsibilities of government.
Having observed the impact of crime on many communities, particularly poor, disadvantaged, and minority communities, I feel a calling to help keep my community safe from threats of harm to innocent persons. Other life experiences have also prepared me for a career in law enforcement. For example, sports have been an extensive part of my life. I began playing both football and baseball at the age of five. Through playing sports during my formative years, I was taught the value of teamwork, cooperation, and solidarity with my fellow players, which are values that are essential to the effective management of a police department as well. Through the influence of my coaches, I learned to respect authority and recognize the importance of being a team player. These are values that will follow me into the world of law enforcement.
The field of criminal justice is one that is among the most important in society. Law enforcement officers are the frontline soldiers in the fight against violence, disorder, and criminality. The pursuit of justice is a fundamental human value. Therefore, I wish to ensure that justice is served through the prevention of crime and investigation and prosecution of those who commit criminal acts. A career in the field of law enforcement would provide me with the ability to promote justice in order to promote equity in my community through the removal of destructive and criminal forces.
My ambitions in these areas are the reasons why I am submitting my application to the Franklin Township Police Department in order to become a Public Safety Cadet. Because of my family background and my life experiences, thus far I believe that law enforcement is my calling.
DESCRIPTIVE ESSAYS
Descriptive essays are the most common academic papers: a good old-fashioned research paper, essentially.
This assignment is as common as it is simple.
The purpose of a research paper is to provide a factual foundation for a topic.
By its nature, such an assignment is descriptive, and its purpose is to provide a neutral and objective discussion of a topic.
For example, a descriptive paper on STEM cell research would focus on the various mechanisms of such a practice rather than the morality of the issue.
Academic Descriptions
Name
Academic Institution
Author Note
Class
Professor
Date
Academic Descriptions
If time was not an issue, I would likely devote myself to the study of a wide range of topics that I find to be interesting. When reviewing course catalogue for the university, I find that there are many courses and curriculums that I would ideally like to pursue but which are, unfortunately, unavailable due to time and financial constraints (Isaac & Marks, 1994). In my perfect world, I could easily devote myself to living the life of a professional student. I would still need to find an appropriate balance between my academic pursuits and my other life responsibilities. But it would certainly be possible for me to pursue a vast range of academic interests if circumstances were permitting. The most likely option that I would pursue would be to first complete a range of undergraduate academic programs that I find to be interesting, and to subsequently enter a series of graduate programs in order to study related topics on a more advanced level.
One insight that I have gained during my time as a student is that I tend to perform much better academically during certain times of the day. I have generally found that I have much more energy with which to pursue academic interests in the morning and afternoon than I do later in the evening (Kosslyn, Thompson & Ganis, 2006). My ideal day from an academic perspective would be to arise early in the morning and begin engaging in reading the texts related to my classes and any other material that would be of value to my academic pursuits. I have noticed that I generally have the greatest amount of enthusiasm for writing in the late morning and early afternoon. After completing a substantial amount of reading for the day, I would next devote my attention to completing the most pressing writing projects that I have pending at any one time. Once my writing for the day has been completed, I would spend evenings engaging in more casual research related to my academic and writing projects. The focus of my ideal day would be entirely devoted to reading, writing, and researching.
I have generally found that it is best to have a plan concerning what I wish to accomplish for each day (Pearson, 2007). I maintain a Google calendar that lists the academic work that I need to complete on any given day along with other professional, personal, or financial responsibilities that must be met as well. My objective is to accomplish the goals that have been set for the day, and if each of these goals has been met by nightfall I consider myself to have had a successful day. Assuming that I was able to pursue academic work full-time in a way that did not involve professional responsibilities, I would arrange my schedule in such a way that I would devote certain periods of the day to academic activities. For example, I might begin each morning by engaging in reading that was scheduled for the day, with the goal being to complete a certain amount of reading by a particular time. If I were to arise at six o’clock in the morning, I would read until approximately nine o’clock, at which time I would begin writing until about noon.
I would then take an hour long break in order to shower and have lunch before returning to my writing project for the day (Reed, 1993). I would continue to write until about five o’clock and then take another hour-long break to go for a walk in order to ensure that I was receiving a proper amount of exercise. I would begin writing once again at approximately six o’clock and continue until nine o’clock in the evening. I would then read for two more hours before retiring for the night at approximately eleven o’clock and then arise again the following morning at six o’clock and then start the same process for another day. The reading and writing tasks in which I was engaged would generally be oriented toward the achievement of whatever academic curriculum I was involved with at the time. However, I would also seek to devote a certain amount of time to external projects in order to ensure that I remained a well-rounded individual who was knowledgeable about a wide range of fields of study. It is a mistake to limit one’s self to a narrow range of ideas or topics of interest. Instead, it is important to be intellectually robust in a way that involves embracing knowledge from many different sources.
Many different academic subjects interest me and I am also very interested in the ways in which academic subjects intersect with each other (Verstijnen, van Leeuwen, Goldschmidt, Hamel & Hennessey, 1998). For example, one of my primary areas of interest is the social sciences. There are many different social sciences including sociology, psychology, political science, economics, and anthropology. However, these social sciences overlap with other fields such as history, international relations, philosophy, cultural studies, gender studies, ethnic studies, and even art, literature, religious studies, and linguistics. It is important for an individual to understand the holistic nature of knowledge and the ways in which academic disciplines have a mutually supportive relationship with each other. Additionally, there are periods of history that I find to be particularly interesting and would like to know more about including ancient Greece and Rome, the medieval period in Europe, the history of Africa, Latin America and China.
I have a parallel interest in intellectual history, particularly modern intellectual history beginning with the period of the Enlightenment, and including the philosophers of the 18th century and subsequent figures such as Hegel, Marx, Nietzsche, Darwin, Freud, neo-Marxists such as the scholars associated with the Frankfurt School, and postmodern thinkers such as Michel Foucault and Jacques Derrida. It is many of these thinkers that have largely shaped the ways in which people see the world today. However, I would also like to compare these great thinkers from the West with those of the East. For example, I am interested in Hindu and Buddhist religious and philosophical traditions, along with the various schools of Islam. It is interesting to compare these religions with the schools of theology that are most influential in the West such as Judaism and Christianity. Clearly, the world contains a limitless supply of knowledge and any one individual can only absorb a tiny fragment of this knowledge (Isaac & Marks, 1994).
References
Isaac, A. R. & Marks, D. F. (1994). Individual differences in mental imagery experience: Developmental changes and specialization. British Journal of Psychology, 85 (1), 479–500.
Kosslyn, S. M., Thompson, W. L. & Ganis, G. (2006). The case for mental imagery. New York: Oxford University Press.
Pearson, D. G. (2007). Mental imagery and creative thought. Proceedings of the British Academy, 147 (1), 187–212.
Reed, S. K. (1993). Imagery and discovery. In Roskos-Ewoldsen, B., Intons- Peterson, M. J., & Anderson, R. (eds.). Imagery, creativity and discovery: A cognitive perspective. Amsterdam: North-Holland.
Verstijnen, I. M., van Leeuwen, C., Goldschmidt, G., Hamel, R. & Hennessey, J. M. (1998). Creative discovery in imagery and perception: Combining is relatively easy, restructuring takes a sketch. Acta Psychologica, 99 (2), 177–200.
POWER-POINT
A PowerPoint Presentation generally aids the speaker in preparing for a public presentation. In most cases, a student will not be required to deliver an oral presentation, however, that is always a possibility.
The Power-Point will provide a brief account of all talking points, but the notes accompanying each slide will offer a more detailed account of what needs to be covered.
As a general rule, each Power-Point slide will consist of 50 words, and the speaker notes on each slide will be of similar length.
Typically, a Power-Point presentation is supplemental to a longer assignment.
For example, when a student submits the final term paper for their class, they will often be required to submit a Power-Point presentation to underline the key findings of their paper.
Sample
CRITICAL ANALYSIS
A critical analysis is an argumentative paper where a certain position must be refuted or supported.
In papers such as these, the student must take a specific position for or against a particular issue, which is oftentimes a controversial point of contention.
This is in stark contrast to descriptive papers, where the student must approach the issue from a factual and neutral point of view.
Conversely, the purpose of the critical analysis assignment is to present a convincing argument in favor or against a chosen position.
Maintaining a clear logical structure by outlining the key premises of your argument, as well as explaining how your assumptions are factually informed is integral to writing a successful critical analysis.
Afterward, it is necessary to explain how your facts and rationale support your argument.
When critiquing another writer’s point of view, you must outline their argument and describes the flaws inherent in it.
Sample
Sociology Critical Analysis: Racialization, Media, and Minorities
Name
Academic Institution
Author Note
Class
Professor
Date
Introduction
The ways in which minorities are depicted in the media both reflects the prevailing cultural attitudes and perceptions regarding minority communities and simultaneously has the effect of strengthening these perceptions by providing reinforcement of the existing norms. Minorities are subject to “racialization” through the widespread acceptance of stereotypes (whether implicit or explicit) and evaluated by the wider society based on these perceived cultural attributes. The discussion concerning to what degree ethnic minorities are “part of the nation” itself represents a process of “othering” whereby minorities are considered to be outside the realm of what is thought to be the “genuine” nation (Jiwani, 2006). The ways in which minorities are depicted in the media shapes the perceptions that are held by the wider society, and such perceptions have the power to promote typecasting in the public sphere in ways that are harmful to the well-being and flourishing of minority communities on both an individual and collective basis.
Racialization
Jiwan uses the term “racialization” in order to signify the ways in which members of minority communities are identified on the basis of their race. One of the primary aspects of racialization is that where minorities interact with the wider society they are perceived not merely as individuals but as representatives of a racial and ethnic group. Consequently, they are expected to uphold or conform to particular stereotypes in ways that, for example, English-Canadians would not. Racialization is a process that creates a barrier between minorities and the wider society (Harding, 2006). Members of the majority group come to recognize minorities as a kind of exotic other on one hand, while minorities are made very conscious of their supposed “alien” identity. Racialization fosters ongoing harmful stereotyping in the wider society.
Culturalization
The term culturalization involves the concept of relying on culture as a primary explanatory factor for human behavior, or for particular traits that are perceived within the context of a human community, rather than alternative explanations that may be more powerful. One of the most pervasive examples of culturalization involves the way in which poverty in minority communities is often considered to be the result of “cultural” factors of an allegedly negative variety as opposed to potential structural, environmental, or socioeconomic factors. For example, it is sometimes claimed that the poor among minority communities lack a “work ethic,” consistently make “bad choices,” and otherwise exhibit negative behavioral attributes (Harding, 2006). However, such a perspective fails to examine both the context in which these alleged attributes emerge and the degree to which such claims merely represents broad generalizations and stereotyping.
“Part of the Nation”
An article that appeared in CBC news in 2017 examined the concept of “everyday racism” and the ways in which racist stereotypes pervade the wider culture, particularly within the framework of the media (CBC News, 2017). In the article, a group of young artists and performances, all of whom are people of color, describe their experiences with racialization within the context of the entertainment industry and the artist community. For example, the individuals profiled in the articles who aspired to be professional actors were largely ignored in many instances for a Caucasian actor because directors and producers preferred actors that were stereotypically “normal.” Meanwhile, the minority actors say that they are consistently offered roles that fit stereotypes about their respective communities which are often built on bigotry, fear, and a lack of understanding. For example, Arab actors are being offered parts which stereotype their community as a haven for terrorists. African-Canadian or African-Americans are depicted as drug dealers and members of violent street gangs. Other ethnic communities are depicted in similar ways, and in ways that are harmful to both social integration and the values of multiculturalism. Media depictions of minorities in these ways have the effect of strengthening the internal biases that are maintained by many people as a result of racialization and culturalization.
Concerns about Media Representations
The media shapes public consciousness by disseminating ideas that have the effect of allowing the media to determine how a member of a minority group will be perceived by others. This is not to say that the media itself is engaged in a conspiracy. Instead, the media is a reflection of the norms of the wider society. Most journalists, even very progressive ones, originate from cultural backgrounds where direct interaction with either members of minority ethnic communities or other socially disadvantaged groups is rare. The media itself represents a culture of privilege. Media employees simply repeat and replicate the stereotypes that are associated with various communities as a matter of habit and acculturation. However, the ways in which minorities are depicted in the media is important because of the power of these depictions (Hall, 1990). It is important to consider the ways in which media representations influence public opinion regarding a wide range of social concerns that are relevant to issues involving race and ethnicity such a poverty, education, healthcare, criminal justice, migration, and other comparable considerations.
Typecasting in the Public Sphere
The system of typecasting to which minorities are subject within the realm of the public sphere is paralleled by the experience of many other groups (Jiwani, 2005). While it is certainly true that members of minority communities are subject to racialization and culturalization the ways that have been discussed and others, it is also true that such stereotypes often apply to women, members of the LGBTQ community, the disabled, young people, the working class, the elderly, and other categories of person that have traditionally experienced disadvantages, discrimination, marginalization, or exclusion by the wider society. For this reason, it is important to consider the range of factors that are involved in the process of creating the stereotypes, generalizations, and perceptions that are experienced by various communities. Overcoming such stereotypes is necessary for the achievement of greater levels of equality, democracy, and social justice in the wider society.
Conclusion
The images and depictions of minorities that are represented in the media can have the effect of intensifying and strengthening the impact of racialization and culturalization. In contemporary societies, the media is an extraordinarily powerful institution that helps to shape public consciousness about a wide range of issues. The overt denigration of minorities is no longer socially acceptable due to the successes of civil rights advocacy and anti-racism education of the kind that has taken place in recent decades. Overt hate speech is illegal in many countries under human rights and racial equality laws. However, the effects of racialization and culturalization remain pervasive in many different aspects of social and cultural life. The depiction of minorities in stereotypical or one-dimensional ways is an aspect of racialization that both reflects the cultural legacy and mores of the wider society and has the parallel effect of upholding and reinforcing such mores.
References
CBC News (2017). Everyday racism: Canadian artists discuss minority representation in film and media. CBC.Ca. Retrieved from https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/british-columbia/everyday-racism-canadian-artists-discuss-minority-representation-in-film-and-media-1.4144038
Hall, S. (1990). The whites of their eyes: Racist ideologies and the media. In M. Alvarado & J. O. Thompson (Eds.), The Media Reader (pp. 9–23). London: British Film Institute.
Harding, R. (2006). Historical representations of aboriginal people in the Canadian news media. Discourse Society, 17(2), 205–235. doi: 10.1177/0957926506058059
Jiwani, Y. (2005). The Eurasian female hero(ine). Journal of Popular Film & Television, 32(4), 9–23.
Jiwani, Y. (2006). Race(ing) the nation: Media and minorities. In P. Attallah & L. R. Shade (Eds.), Mediascapes: New patterns in Canadian communication (3rd ed., pp. 305–312). Toronto: Nelson.
DISSERTATIONS
In principle, a doctoral dissertation can be published in a scholarly venue, either as a book or a peer-reviewed journal.
Such a project normally takes multiple years to complete and over a dozen revisions are to be expected. The methodology is rigorous and stringent.
Sample
Academic Disparities among Arab Students in American Universities
Contributing Factors
Name
Author Note
Date
Abstract
Introduction
The presence of disparities between Arab students and other students in American institutions of higher education is a cause for concern which is in need of comprehensive analysis. Statistical data indicates that on average Arab students attending American colleges and universities typically perform less well in a US academic setting that their American counterparts as well as certain categories of international students (DeLuca, 2005). When undertaking an analysis of this phenomenon, it is necessary to begin by offering a definition of an “Arab student.” For this purposes of this discussion, an Arab student will be defined as a student originating from any nation that has an Arab ethnic majority or substantial minority and who is not native to the United States or a native English speaker. It is possible to cite statistical data indicating variations between the academic success rates of Arab students in American universities and the general student population (Abu Rabbia, 2017). For example, it is possible to compare and contrast program completion rates versus failure or dropout rates among Arab students and students in American universities generally. Another method that can be utilized is to cite academic degree programs in which Arab students are predominantly located and the rate of program completion in each of these areas.
The challenges that are faced by Arab students in American universities are quite numerous. The first of these involves language barriers. The English language skills of Arab students may not be sufficiently developed (Heyn, 2013). A lack of remedial training in English may not be available on a sufficient level. Language barriers create difficulties related to understanding the context of lectures covering high sophisticated or technical topics (Al Khatani, 2002). Arab students may experience difficulty communicating with instructors and university administrators. Arab students may be stereotyped as uneducated or unintelligent due to the language challenges they face.
Culture shock is often a primary factor in the academic lives of Arab
students. Many significant cultural differences between the United
States and many Arab countries can be identified (Hall, 2013).
Cultural differences can be simple or profound, ranging from food
customs and styles of dress to variations in religious practice and
sacred beliefs. Social discrimination intensifies the experience of
culture shock (Rajasekar & Renand, 2013). Arab students in the
United States face social discrimination of many different levels.
Even native-born Arab-Americans are subjected to unfortunate racist
stereotypes (DeLuca, 2005). Arab immigrants and students bear the
additional burden of being stigmatized as “foreigners.” Americans
are highly ethnocentric and racism is a deep-seated tradition in
American society that has only slightly come to be challenged in
recent decades. As a minority, Arab students may be fearful of being
victimized by hate crimes.
Ethnic stereotyping fuels social discrimination. Arab students may be feared by others as potential “terrorists” or as person representing an allegedly “backward” society. Arab immigrants in the United States may be subject to accusations of being an “illegal” immigrant. Sexism intersects with ethnic stereotyping in a way that intensifies social discrimination (Heyn, 2013). Sexism as well as racism may impact Arab students as Arab female students may be subjected to stereotypes regarding their dress, appearance, and sexuality. Arab female students may be stereotyped as sexually inhibited or, alternately, subject to sexual fetishization in ways that lead to sexual harassment (DeLuca, 2005). Cultural differences impact the academic experiences of Arab students on many different levels. Variations in educational practices and instructional methods between their countries of origin and the United States may provide certain academic handicaps (Abu Rabbia, 2017). The process of adjusting to the institutional differences or differences in organizational culture between educational institutions in students’ countries of origin and American universities may present certain challenges.
Religious differences are a major contributing factor to discrimination against Arab students in the United States. A higher percentage of Arab students may be devoutly religious when compared to Americans or students from some other parts of the world. Religious bigotry directed toward persons of the Islamic faith often impacts Arab students of the Muslim faith (DeLuca, 2005). Indeed, Arabs are often stereotyped as Muslim even though may are Christian or of some other faith or no faith. Additionally, Muslims are often stereotyped as racist, sexist, and homophobic in ways that lead to suspicion and social ostracism. Because of these challenges, it is necessary to helping Arab students to overcome the barriers and challenges they often face in American higher education (Tavakoli, et al., 2009). The provision of sufficient language training and education is necessary in order to assist Arab students with the process of adjusting to an American academic setting (Al Khatani, 2002). Universities should hire more tutors and instructors who speak Arabic or other languages that are common in Arab nations.
Overcoming discrimination against Arab students requires that students of all ethnic, national, and cultural backgrounds are taught to engage in mutual respect with those of different heritages. All students should receive sensitivity training and multicultural education for the purpose of reducing bigotry directed at Arab students (DeLuca, 2005). While many American colleges and universities have adopted a formal commitment to multicultural education, it remains true that significant disparities continue to exist in a range of areas including disparities between the academic performance of Arab students and their peers who are native-born Americans or who originate from certain other categories of international students, such as those originating from countries where English is either a first language or taught as a primary second language.
Statistical Data
American higher education is among the most widely respected in the world. The United States likewise enjoys an international reputation for being welcoming toward students from other nations (Heyn, 2013). American higher education is the favored system of higher education of any nation among international students. More international students attend American colleges and universities than any other nation with an estimated 21% of all international students attending American institutions of higher education (Hall, 2013). The number of international students enrolled in American colleges and institutions has increased over time. At the beginning of the 21st century, an estimated 547,867 international students were enrolled in American higher education. However, a decade later the number had increased to 690, 923 by 2010. The number of international students enrolled in American colleges and universities likewise appears to grow at an exponential rate (Heyn, 2013). By 2014, there were 886, 052 international students enrolled in American higher education. The increase in the number of international students in American colleges and universities increased from 3.6% of all students attending such institutions in the year 2000 to 8.1% in the year 2014 (Abu Rabbia, 2017). In other words, the number of international students in American institutions of higher education more than doubled during the 15 year period being examined.
The increase in the number of international students in American colleges and universities has resulted in large part from the greater influx of students from two primary nations of origin, which are China and Saudi Arabia. In addition to students from Saudi Arabia, which is a major Arab nation, students from other Arab nations have also increased in number. It has been noted that is it necessary to define the concept of an “Arab student” in order to conduct the analysis presented in this report, and that the working definition of an “Arab student” that has been formulated is that of a student who originates from a country where ethnic Arabs have a majority or significant minority presence and who is not a native speaker of English (Creswell, 2007). Such a definition excludes “Arab-Americans,” which for the purposes of the present discussion will be defined as persons of Arab ancestry who were born in the United States and who are not native speakers of a language other than English such as Arabic (Al Khatani, 2002). Of course, such a definition is potentially incomplete because this definition of “Arab-American” may exclude persons of Arab ethnicity who migrate to the United States from other nations and become either resident immigrants or naturalized citizens or who adopt English as secondary or tertiary non-native language.
An international student is defined as a student who migrates from
another nation specifically for the purpose of attending an
institution of higher education in the host nation, which for the
purposes of this presentation is the United States. Consequently, the
concept of an “international student” involves a different
definition that a “migrant,” “immigrant,” or “émigré’
on a general level (Heyn, 2013). Likewise, it is necessary to
establish a definition of an “Arab nation” for the purpose of
describing the origins of Arab international students. The countries that are generally considered by demographers to be “Arab nations” are those where Arabic is the primary language (Al Khatani, 2002).
The primarily Arabic-speaking countries are located in regions of
Northern Africa, Western Asia or the Middle East, and the Persian
Gulf or Arabian Gulf. Nations that are considered to be “Arab
countries,” in the sense of having a majority Arab population, are
(in alphabetical order) Algeria, Bahrain, Comoros, Djibouti, Egypt, Iraq, Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon, Libya, Mauritania, Morocco, Oman, Palestine, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Somalia, Sudan, Syria, Tunisia, United Arab Emirates, and Yemen.
Certain other definitions and qualifications are necessary. First, it should be recognized that an “Arab international student” may not originate from an “Arab country” where the majority of the
population is Arabic-speaking or of Arab ancestry. It is possible for
an Arab international student to originate from a country where he or she is a member of an ethnic minority by virtue of being of Arab ancestry or speaking Arabic as a primary language. The inclusion of this category of students in the definition of “Arab international student” could potentially include students who originate from first generation Arabic immigrants in nations where persons of Arab ethnicity are not the majority (which would include a vast range of African, Middle Eastern, Central and Western Asian, or European
countries) (Abu Rabbia, 2017). A somewhat more problematic but
relevant category of international students involves those students
of Arab ethnicity or ancestry that are neither native English
speakers nor native speakers of Arab. For example, a French-Arab
student whose native language is French could be considered an “Arab international student” for the purpose of this presentation.
To clarify, persons who are considered to be “Arab international students” for the purpose of this presentation include any student originating from outside the United States who is of identifiable Arab ethnicity and is not a native English speaker. Another clarification that must be made involves the very important
distinction between Arab students and Muslim students. While such a distinction may seem obvious on the surface, it should be recognized that many Americans often conflate persons of Arab ethnicity with persons of the Muslim faith (Hall, 2013). Arab ethnicity has already been defined. However, it should be pointed out that a Muslim is a person of the religion of Islam. A Muslim can originated from any ethnic, national, or linguistic group. While Islam is the largest religion in the Arab countries, it must also be understood that Arab countries include many religious minorities such as Christians, Jews,
atheists and agonistics, and others. A person of Arab ethnicity can
be of any religion or no religion. Regrettably, Americans have an
unfortunate tendency to conflate Arab ethnicity with Islamic faith in
a highly inappropriate manner. It must be emphasized that for the
purpose of this presentation the definition of an “Arab
international student” that is being utilized does not imply any
particular religious identity or affiliation.
The number of international students in the United States originating from majority Arab nations was estimated to be 33, 797 in the year 2010. By 2014, the number had dramatically increased to 92,618, meaning that the number of Arab international students had more than doubled and nearly tripled in the space of only five years (Abu Rabbia, 2017). The two primary nations of origin among Arab international students in the United States are Saudi Arabia and Kuwait. The principal reasons cited by Arab international students for attending an American institution of higher education were the level of prestige that is associated with an American university degree, the quality of American higher education, and the cultural, political, intellectual, economic, and technological advantages found in the United States.
The statistical data that has previously been cited demonstrates the significant growth in the number of Arab international students in the United States during the period between 2000 and 2014 (Hall,
2013). However, evidence exists that the number of Arab international students in the United States has actually experienced a decrease in growth rate since 2014. At the end of the second decade of the 21st century, the number of new international students in the United States, including Arab international students, had dropped significantly after the period of very rapid expansion during the
previous decade. While the actual number of international students to experience growth in terms of sheer numbers, the growth rate had slowed to a mere 0.05% generating a virtual flatling effect on the growth rate itself (Abu Rabbia, 2017). The reduced growth rate was not rooted entirely in the reduced rate of Arab international students attending American institutions of higher education but represented a downturn in the number of international students enrolling in American colleges and universities altogether.
For example, approximately 33% of international students in the United States originate from China and the growth rate in the number of Chinese international students coming to the United States has experienced a slowdown as well. Also, the number of students coming
to the United States from countries such as Iran, South Korea, the United Kingdom, and Japan has experienced a decrease. More than 200,000 students from India continue to attend American colleges and
universities on an annual basis. As the chart below indicates, the
population of students from Saudi Arabia is the fourth largest
national population of international students in the United States.
Country | 2018-19 Total | Percentage of total international students in the U.S. | Change from previous year | Change from 10 years ago |
1. China | 369,548 | 33.7% | 1.7% | 189.6% |
2. India | 202,014 | 18.4% | 2.9% | 92.6% |
3. South Korea | 52,250 | 4.8% | -4.2% | -27.6% |
4. Saudi Arabia | 37,080 | 3.4% | -16.5% | 134.5% |
5. Canada | 26,122 | 2.4% | 0.8% | -7.2% |
6. Vietnam | 24,392 | 2.2% | 0.3% | 86.0% |
7. Taiwan | 23,369 | 2.1% | 4.1% | -12.4% |
8. Japan | 18,105 | 1.7% | -3.5% | -27.1% |
9. Brazil | 16,059 | 1.5% | 9.8% | 82.8% |
10. Mexico | 15,229 | 1.4% | -1.5% | 13.2% |
11. Nigeria | 13,423 | 1.2% | 5.8% | 104.4% |
12. Nepal | 13,229 | 1.2% | -0.3% | 17.8% |
13. Iran | 12,142 | 1.1% | -5.0% | 156.7% |
14. United Kingdom | 11,146 | 1.0% | -2.7% | 25.8% |
15. Turkey | 10,159 | 0.9% | -3.4% | -18.1% |
Source: Institute of International Education (Hickey, 2019)
However, Saudi Arabia is the only Arab nation found in the top 15 countries of origin for international students in the United States. Additionally, between the 2017-2018 and 2018-2019 academic terms, the percentage of international students who were Saudi Arabia decreased by 16.5%. While there has been a decline in the number of Chinese students enrolled in American colleges and universities, the number of international students in the United States from China and India has begun to eclipse that of students from Saudi Arabia.
Multiple reasons for the declining growth rates in the number of Saudi students can be identified (Hamad, 2012). One of the primary reasons for the growth in the number of Arab international students during the first 15 years of the 20th century was the fact that the governments of various Arab countries have provided funding sources, such as scholarships, to students from their respective countries who wish to attend American colleges and universities. Saudi Arabia, Iraq, Libya, Oman, Egypt, the United Arab Emirates (UAE), Kuwait, and Qatar have each maintained programs of these kinds. The chart below indicates the number of Middle Eastern student in the United States in 2014 following the growth rate in the number of students from the region during the previous 15 years.
Middle Eastern Students in the USBased on data from Open Doors 2014, IIE [i] | |||
Country of origin | 2014/13 | 2012/13 | % change |
Saudi Arabia | 53,919 | 44,566 | +21% |
Iran | 10,194 | 8,744 | +17% |
Kuwait | 7,288 | 5,115 | +43% |
United Arab Emirates | 2,784 | 2,256 | +23% |
Israel | 2,457 | 2,430 | +1% |
Jordan | 2,148 | 2,109 | +2% |
Iraq | 1,491 | 1,074 | +39% |
Oman | 1,504 | 980 | +54% |
Lebanon | 1,367 | 1,266 | +8% |
Qatar | 1,191 | 994 | +20% |
Syria | 693 | 505 | +37% |
Bahrain | 467 | 459 | +2% |
Yemen | 440 | 353 | +25% |
Palestinian Territories | 429 | 319 | +35% |
Total | 86,372 | 71,170 | +21% |
(Open Doors, 2014)
With the exception of Iran and Israel, all of the nations listed in the previous are Arab ethnic majority and predominantly Arabic speaking countries (Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development, 2014). However, by the end of 2018, it was observable that the growth rate in the number of Middle Eastern students attending American institutions of higher education had begun to decrease. Between the 2016-2017 and 2017-2018 academic years, the number of Middle Eastern and North African students enrolled in American colleges and universities decreased by nine percent (Ministry of Higher Education, 2010). For example, during this single academic year the number of Saudi students enrolled in American undergraduate programs decreased from 32, 538 to 27, 646, a 15% reduction (Abu Rabbia, 2017). A parallel decline was observed among the number of Saudi students enrolled in American graduate, doctoral, and post doctoral programs.
The decline in the number of Arab international students can be attributed to a range of factors. The Saudi government has reduced the amount of funding that is provided to students that go to study in the United States. For example, the resources that are provided to important scholarship programs for Saudi students to attend American colleges and universities have been reduced. Additionally, concerns related to US immigration policy have assumed a role in the slowing of the number of Arab international students that are coming to the United States. Upon assuming the office of the presidency in January, 2017, President Donald Trump issued an executive order commonly known as the “Muslim travel ban” which placed a temporary ban on flights to the United States from seven predominantly Islamic countries (Executive Order 13769, 2017). Four of these nations are also Arab majority countries including Iraq, Libya, Syria, and Yemen. The other affected nations were Iran, Somalia, and Sudan. While the majority of Arab nations were not affected by the executive order, it has been suggested by the majority of admissions directors at US colleges and universities that the so-called “travel ban” exercised a chilling effect on the willingness of Arab international students to venture to the United States for educational purposes.
Additionally, as the growth rate in the number of Arab international students studying in the United States has declined, the number of such students that have enrolled in Canadian or Australian colleges and universities has actually increased (Institute of International Education, 2014). Among the primary reasons that Arab and other Middle Eastern students cite for a declining interest in American higher education are the higher costs of living in the United States, political conflict between the United States and their nation of origin, and the difficulties associated with obtaining a student visa from the United States. Interestingly, however, the number of American students enrolling in Middle Eastern universities has increased during this same time period with Morocco, the United Arab Emirates, and Jordan being the primary destinations for such students.
According to a report issued by the Atlantic Council in 2019, a decline of 8.7 percent in the number of Middle Eastern and North African students enrolled in American undergraduate programs occurred during the previous academic year, with a parallel decline of 5.2 percent in the number of graduate students from the region enrolled in American institutions of higher education (Lebaron & Aljishi, 2019). Accurate statistical data which might be helpful for the purpose of indicating variations that can be found between the academic success rates demonstrated by Arab students in American universities and wider student population in the same institutions is currently unavailable. Likewise, insufficient data exists for the development of a thorough comparison of degree program completion rates as opposed to failure or dropout rates among Arab international students and students enrolled in the same programs in American universities on a general level (Abu Rabbia, 2017). The academic degree programs within American institutions of higher education in which Arab students are currently enrolled or predominantly located is another statistical area in which incomplete information exists. The overall rate of the completion of such programs in various academic areas is also unknown.
However, it is possible to discern other factors that have likely contributed to the decline in the growth rate of the number of Arab international students that are enrolling in American colleges and universities (Hickey, 2019). The reduction in resources that are provided by the governments of Arab nations, political conflict between the United States and various Arab countries, rising costs of living in the United States, and student visa application difficulties have likely been significant factors in the decline that has been observed (Hickey, 2019). Yet, it is also necessary to consider the wider range of challenges that are faced by Arab international students in the United States.
A body of qualitative research that was developed by Rabbia (2017) formulated a set of case studies that were utilized for the purpose of exploring multiple difficulties that are often faced by Arab international students in the United States. The researcher’s primary concern was the adjustment process that is faced by these students and that related issues that are involved. A total of 16 case studies involving Arab international students were created. The participating students were enrolled at two different universities that were located in the Northeastern region of the United States. The study employed both a qualitative and an exploratory methodology. The participants in the study were Arab international students originating from seven different Arab nations including Iraq, Jordan, Kuwait, Oman, Saudi Arabia, Syria, and the United Arab Emirates (Abu Rabbia, 2017). Each of the students had been enrolled in a US university for a period of ranging from two year to five years.
Previous Research Findings
The primary research tool that was employed involved conducting extensive interviews for the purpose of documenting and engaging in an analysis of the full range of experiences of these students, including experiences of both a positive and negative nature (Al Mulla, 1996). The research sought to identify the challenges that were faced by Arab international students of university and college campuses in the United States. Interview sessions were conducted on a one-on-one basis with each of the individual student participants (Al Khatani, 2002). During the course of the interviews, a range of factors was discovered that had the effect of undermining the academic success experienced by Arab international students. The factors that were identified also impact the process of socialization the students experienced on multiple levels. The levels that were examined were the specific institution of higher education in which the student was enrolled, the community in which the institution was located, and the wider national culture of the institution in question (Yin, 2014). Among the primary difficulties that were experienced by the students were culture shock and related adjustment issues, language barrier and communication challenges, cultural differences and socialization difficulties, and isolation and its psychological impact. Each of these factors clearly impacted the academic performance of Arab international students.
Overview of Challenges Faced by Arab Students in American Universities
A multiplicity of challenges have been identified which are faced by Arab students in American universities. Each of these challenges has the potential to undermine the educational experience of Arab students. The difficulties that are experienced by Arab students also have an intersectional relationship with each other (Ryan & Twibell, 2000). A student who experiences difficulties in any one of these areas may be more likely to experience handicaps in other areas which impact their educational life as well. Efforts to overcome these barriers are essential for the academic success of Arab students.
Language Barriers
Language barriers are clearly the most immediate difficulties that may be faced when an Arab student attends an American university or college. The English language skills of Arab students may not be sufficiently developed (Kvale, 1996). While it is certainly true that most Arab students have previously studied English in their native country’s educational system and may have passed a basic-level English proficiency test as a criteria for university admission, such accomplishments do necessarily equate with mastering the English language (Al Khatani, 2002). In particular, Arab students who are enrolled in advanced curriculums which involve the use of high abstract theoretical concepts and sophisticated terminology may face significant language barriers. Some educational institutions may offer remedial training in English (Suleiman, 1993). A lack of remedial training may be present in other instances. However, remedial training in English may not be available on a sufficient level to match the student’s academic needs (Abu khattala, 2013). Language barriers create difficulties related to understanding the context of lectures covering highly sophisticated or technical topics.
Additionally, Arab students may experience difficulty communicating with instructors and university administrators. Language differences may undermine the educational experience of Arab students in other ways (Al Khatani, 2002). Difficulties related to communication may not only have the effective of weakening the ability of Arab students to both understand the academic curriculum and effectively communicate with instructors when experiencing challenges. Language barriers can also strengthen ethic stereotypes and dismissive attitudes toward Arab students by instructors, colleagues, and administrations (Abu Rabbia, 2017). Arab students may be stereotyped as uneducated or unintelligent due to the language challenges they face when, in reality, the identified problems are merely a matter of language differences and resulting communicational skills (Abu khattala, 2013). Even the student may not fully be aware of the degree to which language barriers may be impacting their educational progress. It is essential for both students and instructors to be cognizant of any difficulties that may be present in this area.
Culture Shock
The experience of culture shock is one that is often difficult for Arab students who attend American universities upon their arrival in the United States. The student may have trouble adjusting to the cultural differences that are found in a new country (Oberg, 1960). Many significant cultural differences between the United States and many Arab countries can be identified. Cultural differences can be simple or profound, ranging from food customs and styles of dress to variations in religious practice and sacred beliefs (Lysgaard, 1955). A student from an Arab country that is not fully familiar with American cultural norms may feel lonely and alienated. Certain aspects of American culture may be strange, shocking, and even offensive. The student may have difficulty determining how to go about adjusting to their cultural environment (Macionis & Gerber, 2010). Interacting with fellow students and academic instructors may prove to be challenging. Perhaps even more challenging will be the process of routine daily interactions in a strange land.
For example, an Arab student will not only have to interact with the university administration but will also have to navigate communication with landlords, physicians, dentists, cab drivers, repairmen, and the many other figures that one comes into contact with during the course of one’s daily life (Mostafa, 2006). In any one of these circumstances, a lack of communicational skills in the English language may prove to be highly problematic (Al Khatani, 2002). In some cases, it is easier for the student to be taken advantage of. An illustration might be a situation where a car salesman provides a “lemon” to an Arab student that is not fully conversant in English or fully knowledge of automobile models that are sold in the United States (Abu Rabbia, 2017). At times, the Arab student may become dependent on a small circle of friends from their home country or sympathetic persons from the United States such as Arab-Americans who are fluent in Arabic. A lack of cultural knowledge combined with limited communicational skills can place the student in a high vulnerable situation.
Social Discrimination
Social discrimination is a factor that will potentially contribute to an Arab student’s educational experience in a negative manner. Arab students in the United States face social discrimination of many different levels (Smith & Khawaja, 2011). In recent decades, Arabs have increasingly been stereotyped as terrorists or religious fanatics in ways that generate social ostracism for people of Arab ancestry or heritage living in societies where they comprise an ethnic minority (Hanover Research Organization, 2010). Even native-born Arab-Americans are subjected to unfortunate racist stereotypes in some instances. Arab immigrants and students bear the additional burden of being stigmatized as “foreigners.” Americans are highly ethnocentric and racism is a deep-seated tradition in American society that has only slightly come to be challenged in recent decades. As a minority, Arab students may be fearful of being victimized by hate crimes.
The experience of social discrimination can exercise a powerful impact on the life of an Arab student in an American university or college (Hanover Research Organization, 2010). While most US colleges have increasingly embraced multicultural curriculum and a formal ethos which emphasizes diversity and inclusion, Arab students will continue to encounter other students, instructors, staff members, and others in the wider community who react to Arab students in ways that exhibit prejudice, ignorance, or misunderstanding (Komiya & Eells, 2001). Experiencing such things may undermine the level of self-confidence experienced by Arab students which may, in turn, impact their motivation and academic performance (Abu Rabbia, 2017). Communication may be challenged by an expectation of discrimination or stereotyping. An Arab student may be less likely to approach others with questions related to their needs. Circumstantial factors of these kinds create a psychological effect that impacts the student’s academic performance and overall educational major.
Ethnic Stereotyping
The challenges that are associated with ethnic stereotyping present a range of difficulties that an Arab student may encounter. Arab students may be feared by others as potential “terrorists.” For example, in the aftermath of the September 11, 2001 terrorist incidents in the United States, persons of Arab ethnicity living in the United States faced increased discrimination and hostility (Hickey, 2019). One Arab student reported boarding an airplane only to have the passenger sitting next to him exit the plane when the passenger realized he was sitting next to a person of Middle Eastern ancestry. Another student reported being approached by others in a hostile and threatening way because of their Arab ethnicity (Hickey, 2019). The number of hate crimes against not only Arabs but persons believed to be Muslims or of Middle Eastern ancestry increased in the aftermath of the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks (Abualkhair, 2013). Even members of the Sikh religion, who largely originate from South Asia, experienced such victimization (Abualkhair, 2013).
Persons of Arab ancestry, including both students and others, are sometimes stereotyped as representing an allegedly “backward” society. Unfortunately, many Americans, including some found in the academic community, are ignorant of Arab nations and cultures and are not aware of the voluminous contributions of Arab people to world cultures (Hamad, 2012). Others stereotype members of the Islamic faith, which is practiced by many though certainly not all Muslims, as inherently violent, fanatical, or subversive with no awareness or appreciation of the richness and variety that is found within Muslim traditions. Arabs who are Christians or members of other faiths will find themselves being stereotyped as Muslims in ways that are rooted in unwarranted assumptions (Abu Rabbia, 2017). Arab immigrants in the United States may be subject to accusations of being an “illegal” immigrant by those who are unaware to the fact that persons from Arab countries visit the United States in large numbers each year for purpose of business, education, tourism, and professional endeavors.
Sexism
While racism, ethnocentrism, and ethnic stereotyping are highly problematic features of many Arab students’ educational experienced in the United States, the problem of sexism is persistent as well (Hamad, 2012). Efforts have been made to overcome sexism in American educational institutions in recent decades even if these efforts are incomplete. Female students, whether American-born or foreign-born, and of all ethnicities, frequently face sexism during the course of their experience in academia (McDermott-Levy, 2010). Sexism directed toward female students can assume the form of overt discrimination, subtle and covert discrimination, doubting the abilities of female students, sexual harassment, and even the experience of sexual assault (Al Anazy, 2013). Some scholars have pointed to the present of a “rape culture” on some American university campuses which renders female students vulnerable to sexual crimes.
In addition to general sexism and gender discrimination, Arab female students may experience forms of sexism that are unique to their Arab ethnic identity (Al Anazy, 2013). Sexism combined with racism and ethnic stereotyping may impact Arab female students in a variety of highly negative ways. Arab female students may be subjected to stereotypes regarding their dress, appearance, and sexuality. Arab female students have reported being stereotyped as sexually inhibited or, alternately, subject to sexual fetishization in ways that lead to sexual harassment (Al Anazy, 2013). An Arab female student reported being sexually harassed by a male student who found her to be “exotic” and desired a sexual conquest (Abualkhair, 2013). Arab female students of the Muslim faith who choose to wear the hijab or other traditional apparel report the experience of being labeled as religious fanatics by some and as “oppressed” by others, including both males and females, as well as persons ostensibly expressing a commitment to the values of diversity and inclusion (Al Anazy, 2013). Arab males have reported the experience of finding that Americans expect them to be domineering or to have sexist attitudes toward women irrespective of whatever personal values they may hold (Abualkhair, 2013).
Cultural Differences
Culture differences of other kinds can profoundly impact the educational experience of Arab students in the United States. Variations in educational practices and instructional methods are an important illustration of such differences (Mahrous & Ahmed, 2010). Arab students may find certain aspects of academic practice to be different from the educational institutions which they previously attended (Lebaron & Aljishi, 2019). For example, administrative procedures in American universities may be confusing if the student is not familiar with American academic customs. Grading and other evaluation processes may be different along with norms related to instructional methodologies, expectations regarding classroom decorum, technical requirements for academic papers, citation styles, and many other concerns that are routine features of academic life (DeLuca, 2005). The process of adjusting to the institutional differences or differences in organizational culture between educational institutions in students’ countries of origin and American universities may present certain challenges.
Cultural differences extend way beyond those involving the norms of the academic world. Students who originate from other cultures, including Arab nations, may experience may subtle variations in the norms or the wider American society in many areas of life such as the expected means of greeting strangers to traffic laws to the process of engaging with sales associates in a retail situation (Abu Rabbia, 2017). Procedures as simple and routine as writing a check may prove to be challenging in some circumstances. One student from Egypt reported having to ask American friends how to properly complete a check issued by an American bank.
Religious Differences
While Arab students are often subjected to religious stereotyping and religious bigotry, it is also true that at times significant religious differences can be found among Arab students and others whom they may encounter in American society (Hamad, 2012). A higher percentage of Arab students may be devoutly religious when compared to Americans or students from some other parts of the world. On a cultural level, religious devotion and practice is much more commonplace in Arab countries than in Western countries. Additionally, American universities are often among the nation’s most secular institutions, particularly elite universities (Hofer, 2009). Arab students with strong religious convictions may frequently encounter others, including academic instructors and fellow students, who do not share their values and may even be hostile to their faith orientated (Abu Rabbia, 2017). The pervasiveness of religious bigotry directed toward persons of the Islamic faith in American society has already been described, along with the ways in which Arabs are often stereotyped as Muslim even though many are Christian or of some other faith or no faith.
Because Muslims are stereotyped as fanatical or inherently backward or reactionary in their religious orientation, Arab students may find themselves being stereotyped in other ways as well (Hanover Research Organization, 2010). Muslims are frequently stereotyped as racist, sexist, and homophobic even by many Americans who claim to abhor bigotry and prejudice against persons of the Islamic faith (DeLuca, 2005). Muslim women are stereotyped as hapless victims of sexism or inherently oppressed by their religion and culture. Other commonly practiced religious values that are shared by many Muslims with a traditional outlook, such as abstaining from alcohol and pork, may be misunderstood by others and interpreted as fanatical, exotic, bizarre, or narrowly focused (Al Anazy, 2013). One Arab student, a Muslim from Egypt, who held a part time job in a restaurant during her time at an American university, reported being ridiculed by her employer for declining to partake in the eating of pork while employed as a cook (Abualkhair, 2013).
Helping Arab Students to Overcome Barriers in American Higher Education
In order to sufficiently address the challenges that are faced by many Arab students who attend American colleges and universities, it is necessary to implement programs that will assist Arab students with the process of overcoming the barriers they often face in American higher education (Hall, 2013). The provision of sufficient language training and education, including remedial training in English, is necessary for the purpose of ensuring that Arab students are able to effectively communicate on a level that is appropriate for their academic endeavors (Moraya, 2013). In order to achieve such objectives, universities should hire more tutors and instructors who speak Arabic or other languages that are common in Arab nations (Al Khatani, 2002). The function of these tutors and language instructors would be to assist Arab students with the process of adjusting to an academic environment where the language used is not their first language (Al Zubaidi, 2012). Assistance would be provided to students who are experiencing language difficulties.
Factors involving discrimination, ethnic stereotyping, racism, sexism, and religious bigotry negatively impact Arab students and their educational pursuits (Hamad, 2012). Because American colleges and universities are increasingly diverse institutions that express a commitment to multicultural values, all students and staff members within a university setting should receive sensitivity training and multicultural education for the purpose of reducing bigotry directed at Arab students, as well as students of all ethnic, racial, religious, cultural, gender, or sexual backgrounds (DeLuca, 2005). The first objective of any institution of higher education should be to provide a safe and welcoming atmosphere for a community of scholars from diverse cultural backgrounds where fear of prejudice and exclusion is absent.
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“The Train that Never Came”
“Where is that train?” The American muttered under his breath. “You have half of a beer left, and who knows if they serve beer on the train, don’t let it go to waste,” Jig states. Her eyes portrayed a glass-like surface, noticeable to The American who saw this as an opportunity to further push the issue. Jig was showing the signs of intoxication. The words slurred off of her tongue and her latest attempt to use the restroom resulted in a brisk stagger. Their journey had come to this. Further avoiding the issue would ensure the train’s departure also symbolized the end of their relationship. The sip of half-warm beer was the final shot of confidence the American would need before giving an ultimatum (Hemingway).
Wide-eyed and weary of his words, Jig hung on each sound in anticipation. “Will the operation hurt?” she puzzling slurred. “It is safe and you will be under the gas – you won’t feel a thing – before and after you will feel no pain,” The American confidently responded. He had placed a navy blue scarf across his neck in anticipation of the train arriving. The beer was no longer cold as it had been sitting in the sun for what seemed like an hour now. Noting the change of attire, Jig questioned The American’s masculinity. “Such a big strong man to wear his scarf on a train. You think you will meet a new lady in that manly scarf?” If there was a perfect time for the train to show up, this would have been it. Jig was dressed appropriately for the weather, where the sun still shined down on the beers, evaporating any so-called coldness that brought a refreshing taste to the bottle. Her shorts were flower print and she wore a white tank top. Naturally, sips of beer had fallen from the side of her mouth and onto the shirt.
Jig had met the American only a matter of months earlier, and had been impressed with his masculine foreign style. The American had taken to the young woman, and he quickly began pursuing her. As the American continued to sit in the café near the train state, he thought of the things that had brought him to this point. He thought Jig, the young woman he had met in another café, in another city, and how their meeting had eventually developed into an affair. He thought of their times together when they engaged in lovemaking, and how these had in turn led to the day when Jig had come to him with the fateful news. The American recalled the feeling of fright that he experienced when Jig told him she was pregnant with his child. His feeling was one of having been trapped, and of wanting to figure out how he was going to get out of this mess that he had gotten himself mired in.
He looked over at Jig and sought to provide her with reassurance. “Everything will be fine,” the American said. “It’s a really simple procedure. Nothing at all to worry about.” However, Jig had become increasingly anxious and apprehensive about going through with the procedure. From the time that she first went to tell the American about her newly discovered predicament, Jig had felt ambivalence about the situation. She was terrified at the thought of being pregnant, and with a foreign man that she had to admit to herself that she did not really known all that well. At the same time, the prospect of giving birth had instilled in her an unexpected sense of excitement. At times, Jig fantasized about what it might actually be like to give birth to a child, and to have a child of her own to love, hold, and raise. She knew that she wanted to be a mother someday, but felt that the time was not appropriate. She had begun her tenure at the art school, and needed to complete her curriculum.
An additional factor that loomed involved her concern that she really did not love the man who would be the child’s father, and was apprehensive about the possibility of a future marriage and life together with this man. She looked over at the American and said, “What if I said I don’t want to do this. Suppose I said I want this child. How would you feel?” The American suddenly conveyed an expression of tension. Clearly, he found her words to be alarming. He had been on a journey across the continent during the time that he had met Jig. At the time, she had been yet another young woman with whom to share a romantic or sexual adventure, and not someone whom he had envisioned being the mother of his child. The American understood that fathering a child with this young woman would bind him to a lifelong commitment to fatherhood, and probably marriage as well. The thought terrified him, and he quickly moved to dismiss the questions that Jig had presented him.
“Surely, you couldn’t want a child at your age, my dear. My God, you’ve only just begun your artistic studies. You must have other things you wish to accomplish before you commit yourself to motherhood.” He hoped that his words were getting through to her. “Think of all the other things you might want to do that you will have missed because you entered into motherhood and family life at such an early age.” The American was trying to portray the life that awaited Jig if she decided to continue the pregnancy is as bleak terms as possible. He hoped his words were having their intended effect. He watched Jig’s facial expressions in order to attempt to determine what impact his comments were having. The American became concerned when Jig did not immediately agree with what he was saying.
“I think that having a child could be source of happiness. I know people for whom it certainly seems to be, and some of them are not that much older than I,” Jig responded. “Haven’t you wondered what it might be like if this child was actually born? It might turn out to be a marvelous experience.” The American began to feel a sense of dread and frustration as he heard the young woman’s words, and became ever more determine to ensure that Jig went through with the surgical procedure. “Besides, I don’t know that I really feel right about this. I’m a Catholic, as you know. This is against the teachings of the Church. It makes me feel so dirty and shameful.” The American once again struggle to find words that would assure her. “You have to do what is right for you, my dear. This is your life, and you certainly can’t let others live it for you. You know that you’re not ready for motherhood, and you know what you have to do.”
At the time increasingly approached when the train would be arriving, Jig began to displays signs of obvious tension. Within the confines of her own mind, she began repeatedly asking herself if this was something she wanted to do. She was for some reason finding harder to find reassurance that she was making the right decision. However, she also felt a sense of conflict. Jig had made an agreement with the American concerning how this problem would be handled. Was it right to go back on her word at this late moment? Clearly, the American was expecting her to live up to the commitment they had both made. But, she quickly thought, who was this man to insist that such an intimate decision not be hers alone to make? It was her body, after all, and her life, her pregnancy, and her potential child. All the American had done was devote a night of lovemaking to the process. But what right did his desired outweigh hers. Jig observed the increasingly tense and frustrated expression of the America, and then heard the whistle indicating the train was soon to arrive. Jig got up from her seat and walked out of the café. She continued to walk away as the American called after her.
Works Cited
Hemingway, Ernest. “Hill like White Elephants.”
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